people's bakery, from hclib tumbr, phil anderson

Weekend of History

Published October 3, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

This weekend is going to be gray and chilly. Good thing there will be lots of hot history around town to keep us happy.

On Saturday, go downtown to hear Phil Anderson explain the history of commercial bakeries in South Minneapolis. The retired MCAD historian has spent several years tracing the rise and fall of neighborhood bakeries in the Mill City, a story he narrated in the Summer 2014 issue of Minnesota History. At 1 pm on Saturday, Phil will give a talk he is calling: “100 Years of South Minneapolis Bakeries: Some Histories.”

On Sunday, head over to the University of Minnesota for “Telling Queer History.” The Jean-Nickolaus Tretter Collection in Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Studies–located in Andersen Library–will be hosting this event, which includes tours of its collection, which is one of the largest archival repositories in the world for GLBT thought, knowledge, and culture. The Jean-Nickolaus Tretter Collection in Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Studies began over thirty years ago as the personal collection of GLBT activist Jean-Nickolaus Tretter and was donated to the University of Minnesota in 2001. The first tour begins at 1:15. 

Please RSVP for tours to lvecoli@umn.edu if you’d like to attend. 

smaller version, M1445, children swimming in river, 1935, from hclib

Frank Rog: Huck Finn of Minneapolis

Published October 2, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

Yesterday the Star Tribune published an obituary for Frank Rog, who was remembered at his death for his long and dedicated leadership of the Roseville Park System. I never had the good fortune to meet Mr. Rog, who died at age 83. But I feel like we were at least acquainted, thanks to his spare, self-published autobiography, Let Me Be Frank, which details his early years in a neighborhood in Northeast Minneapolis that abutted the Mississippi River.

Rog is both cheerful and unflinching as he describes coming of age during the 1930s in this rough-and-tumble environment, the child of desperately poor Polish immigrants. He hated school because “I wasn’t good at anything except for gym,” he declared. “Each and every time I knew I had to give a speech or spell a word or take a test, I didn’t show up.” He haunted neighborhood pool halls and burlesque shows and the caves on Nicollet Island. But mostly he went to the river. “The river was our playground,” he remembered. “The river was where I loved to be more than anywhere–fishing, swimming and throwing stones. Everything you could ever want to do was right there on the Mississippi.”

This sounds idyllic at first. Yet it quickly becomes clear that there is a decidedly dark side to this river narrative, which casts Rog as a twentieth century Huck Finn at the headwaters of the great Mississippi.

Rog relied on his quick wits and natural athletic ability to survive danger and adventure on the great waterway. His brother “taught” him how to swim by leaving him on a pier of the Plymouth Avenue Bridge and telling him to swim back–fighting the current– to a sandbar at the third pier.  He “jumped, dived or” was “pushed off of every bridge from Hennepin Avenue all the way up to Lowry Avenue.” He explored sewer tunnels and careened down the water chute below the NSP plant. He almost went over the dam in a boat. Police fired shots at him on the Plymouth Avenue Bridge, after they discovered him using his brother’s gun to kill gulls.

All of his time on the river exposed him to things that most modern readers would agree no child should ever see. “It was terribly polluted,” he recounted. “We saw a lot of life on the river: things dumped, including bodies of all ages. . .and bums.” In his perpetual quest to make money he took terrible risks. He dove to the river bottom to dredge up “chips” or “slugs” that restaurants used in place of money;  gathered coal or grain scattered by the railroad tracks; climbed bridges to capture pigeons;  collected logs that sank to the bottom of the river.  He and his friends were always on the lookout for bodies, which they searched for money. “If there was money, we went to the Bijou Theater, had some candy (using chips for nickels in the vending machines) and watched a double feature cowboy movie.” He remembers that the most likely place to find corpses was “just west of the grates” for the power plant “by the Reddy Kilowatt sign.”

bijou theater, washington avenue, mhs

Bijou Theater, Washington Avenue North, Minneapolis. Image from the Minnesota Historical Society.

Rog recounts what seems to be overwhelming challenges. He endured perennial hunger and occasional gun shots. He  survived near drowning and other physical violence. He  suffered through the alcoholism and mental illness of family members.

But in what seems to be a miracle to me, he survived and even flourished. He was a gifted athlete, which won him the support of teachers and coaches. At a young age, he had the good fortune to meet a young woman who became his wife and lifelong partner. Somehow he graduated from high school, went to college and went on to become a community leader. He played a pivotal role in establishing the park system in Roseville, building a youth recreation program meant to provide safe environments in which children could develop physically and emotionally.

Rest in peace, Frank Rog.

Photo of boys swimming was taken in 1935 and is from the Minneapolis photo collection at the Hennepin County Library Special Collections.

 

Skol liquors, Cedar Riverside, City Archive, Between 3rd and 4th streets, skol liquor, raw beef

When Churches become Billboards, Storefronts become Chapels

Published September 30, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

City planners considered Cedar Riverside “blighted” by the 1940s. While it escaped the wholesale demolition visited on the Gateway and the near North Side, this area would undergo a massive transformation in the 1950s thanks to declining immigration and an expanding University of Minnesota. The arrival of the modern freeway system sliced this enclave of immigrant businesses and bars into urban islands, cut off from downtown by fast-flowing rivers of cars.

In this transformed urban environment, buildings once central to community life were stripped of their earlier meanings. Houses of worship like the one pictured here–whether church or synagogue–were robbed of their earlier meaning as congregations dwindled and died. Once sacred walls broadcast new messages. Visit South Side Junk Yard. Dial R-A-W-B-E-E-F for home liquor delivery.

While churches became billboards, once-thriving neighborhood commercial establishments were transformed into new sites for worship.This neighborhood store at 6th and 16th Avenues advertised itself as an “Interdenominational Gospel Chapel” with daily services at 8pm.

Gospel Chapell, SE Corner 6th St and 16th Ave Opposite Cedar-Hi012, city archives, cedar riverside

Shoppers can still dial R-A.W-B-E-E-F (729-2333) for “fast and friendly service” at Skol Liquors, which remains in business at the corner of 27th Avenue South and East 25th Street, an area once known as the “Hub of Hell.”

Photos are from the city planning photo collection at the Tower Archives, Minneapolis City Hall. Thanks to data manager Bob McCune, Historyapolis intern Anna Romskog and citizen-researcher Rita Yeada for making these images accessible.

Blight by the block, cedar riverside, MHRA collection, HHM

“Blight by the Block”: Downtown is Dead

Published September 29, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

It’s map Monday. Last week–while working in the collections at the Hennepin History Museum– the Historyapolis team found hundreds of slides from the Minneapolis Housing and Redevelopment Agency (the precursor to our contemporary Community Planning and Economic Development agency ) that illustrated “redevelopment” of Minneapolis engineered by city planners between the 1940s and the 1980s.

Included in this cache was this map of Cedar Riverside–part of a series that detailed “Blight by the Block” in the city in the second half of the 1940s. The “Blight by the Block” maps were aerial photos annotated with statistics about “blight by odor and noise” and “yearly fire loss” as well as subjective judgments about “lack of major facilities” and levels of maintenance required. While the goal was to use these visuals to make a case for the widespread “redevelopment” of the city’s oldest neighborhoods, this panel demonstrates the somewhat arbitrary nature of measurements for downtown decline.

One of the oldest and most densely populated areas of the city, Cedar-Riverside was the traditional gateway to Minneapolis for immigrant newcomers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Despite the housing crisis of the time, the neighborhood was emptying out in the decades after World War II thanks to restrictions on immigration that had been enacted during the 1920s. Earlier arrivals had been moving deeper into south Minneapolis as soon as they accumulated enough capital to improve their living situation. These immigrant strivers sought larger living quarters, more green space and less dirt. The city’s extensive streetcar system made it relatively easy for factory workers to put more distance between their homes and their sites of employment by the river.

This slide–and the larger “Blight by the Block” educational campaign–reflected the post-war conviction that “downtown is doomed.” Leaders across the country believed that the urban core –with its dropping property values, traffic congestion and deteriorating buildings–threatened the continued vitality of the nation. Planners embraced brash new solutions, turning their back on the more incremental Progressive Era responses to urban congestion and decay. Instead, they championed a bold new ethos of total annihilation. According to historian Alison Isenberg, they believed that “the ‘old’ downtown” had to be destroyed “in order to save it.” Wholesale demolition was the only way–according to planning logic of the time–to address the insidious shortcomings of the urban infrastructure.

One of the lone voices to question this urban planning consensus was Jane Jacobs, a writer and activist based in New York City who believed that the urban redevelopment of the 1950s was not meeting the needs of most people. She argued this point in a 1958 essay for Fortune magazine and a 1961 landmark book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. This volume–which questioned the planning orthodoxy of the time and is now seen as one of the most important books of urban theory ever written–enraged powerful men like New York City’s Robert Moses, who dismissed Jacobs as a “housewife” and “crazy dame.”

In Minneapolis, Jacobs’ alternative vision for urban life came too late for the Gateway District, the historic heart of the city and the location of the region’s largest skid row, which was leveled between 1958 and 1963. It was also too tardy to save the old commercial district of the near North Side–a center for African American commercial activity–that had been slated for demolition since the 1930s. But she did prove to be an inspiration to activists in Cedar Riverside, who seized on her concepts to mobilize residents to block the flattening of their neighborhood in the 1960s. This activism changed the trajectory for the neighborhood, which now boasts some of the only surviving stretches of nineteenth century streetscapes in the city.

 

static national register map

Calling Photographers: the Wikipedia “Summer of Monuments” campaign

Published September 22, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

It’s map Monday. Today I’m sharing both a map and a challenge. This map was created by Wikipedia as part of its “Summer of Monuments” campaign, to improve coverage of U.S. historic sites on this important reference site. Zoom on this interactive portal and you will see every place in Minneapolis that is listed on the National Register for Historic Properties.

Wikpedia created this map as part of its effort to better illustrate that landscape of history in the United States. The online encyclopedia is calling on readers to contribute photos of historic sites, which will be used to improve its reference articles. Entries are due by September 30th. Cash prizes will be given for the best photos uploaded. For more information, read here.

The past becomes tangible through visits to sites of history. This “Summer of Monuments” campaign recognizes this power of place, seeking to build a bridge between the digital and the physical.

Of course, Minneapolis has had a long love affair with the bulldozer. As a result, we have relatively little of our original streetscape left. And preservation has been governed by the prejudices of race and class. As in most places, the lavish homes of the wealthy and well-connected in Minneapolis are well-represented on the National Register. Harder to find in the landscape of historic preservation are the stories that challenge our collective sense that Minneapolis has always been a prosperous, tolerant and innovative community.  People outside of the power structure are frequently obscured in this set of sources, which is dominated by beautiful architecture.

But there are notable exceptions to this rule, thanks to some far-sighted preservationists. In Minneapolis the National Register includes the working-class homes of Milwaukee Avenue; it lists the maternity hospital established in the late nineteenth century by pioneering physician and suffragist Martha Ripley; it names the home of African-American lawyer and civil rights activist Lena Olive Smith; most recently it incorporated the Lee family home, which was the target of an ugly race riot in the 1930s.  It also recognizes the Pioneer and Soldiers Cemetery, the oldest burying ground in the city. Open to people of all races and economic backgrounds during its 70 years of operation, this graveyard provides a wonderful introduction to the complex, multi-cultural history of the early city. Its headstones mark the final resting place for plutocrats and paupers, African Americans and new immigrants; the remains of 20,000 people were interred within its boundaries at the intersection of Lake Street and Cedar Avenue.

But none of these important sites have artful photographs to accompany their reference articles on Wikipedia. Contrast the image of the Smith house with that of the Purcell-Cutts mansion on Lake of the Isles–which is now owned by the Minneapolis Institute of Arts–and it’s obvious that race and class continue to shape how we present the history of our community.

I’ll close this entry with a call for help. Minneapolis is a town full of artists and creative types. Can we tap into this talent to improve our collective understanding of the past? Can you help us to document the full diversity of the city’s history? Can we show the world how cool our history is here?

Please let me know if you decide to contribute a photo.

First newsboys of the Minneapolis Journal, 1881, photo 1, side 1

Fighting Newsboys

Published September 17, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

This 1881 photo shows the first “class” of newsboys for the Minneapolis Journal.  These young workers–used by newspapers all over the country to hawk their product–were critical to the rise of the mass media in the late nineteenth century. “Newsies,” as they were called, had an iconic place in the American cultural imagination. Fixtures in the American urban landscape, they were often depicted as  Horatio Alger characters, scrappy little men getting their first taste of entrepreneurship. These rose-colored narratives cast them as young capitalists with one foot on the ladder to the American dream. According to this idea, corner sales prepared boys like these for more profitable ventures as soon as they were old enough to wear long pants.

Many famous Americans did begin their careers as newsboys. Here in Minneapolis, legendary sports columnist Sid Hartman loves to remind us how he got his start in the news business.

Yet rags to riches stories mask the more disturbing reality of these child laborers. In an era before child labor laws, many boys began hawking newspapers at an age when they should have been learning to read.  Many were recent immigrants who abandoned schooling to earn pennies that kept their families afloat. And a good number of these boys were on their own, using newspaper sales to eke out an existence on the streets, where they lived without adult supervision or assistance. They hustled each day to make enough for bread and perhaps to sleep. On unlucky days, they slept in doorways or parks, stealing smokes and booze to relieve the drudgery. Newsies became a cause celebre for child labor reformers like Lewis Hine, who put photography to the service of social justice in the early twentieth century. He took photographs that documented the plight of child laborers, publicizing these images in an effort to convince Americans that child labor was a social evil. Calculated to show the unvarnished reality of life on the street for these young boys, his images cultivated public outrage on this subject.

Newspaper publishers countered Hine and other reformers by continuing to spin the story of upward mobility. The Minneapolis Morning Tribune, for instance, published regular items about famous men who were once newsboys. It also featured the boys in countless articles that emphasized the benefits of their association with the newspaper industry, which provided them with mittens and required them to attend Sunday school. Each year it published glowing accounts of their annual picnics for the “lively street urchins,” occasions which gave them the opportunity to be “the guests of the Tribune” and fill their “brimming Cups of Happiness.” Industry leaders in Minneapolis were particularly proud of the “Newsboys Band,” they organized in 1897 for these youngsters. “Of 200 ‘newsies’ and street boys who were formerly members of this band,” Tribune executive Frank Thresher declared in 1912, “not one has fallen by the wayside. A record of them has been kept and all are following honest vocations in life. One is a bank teller, some are doctors and dentists, one is a surgeon in the United States navy and others are prosperous in commercial lines.”

Despite the claims of the newspaper industry, autobiographies reveal that the lives of newsboys were governed by violence. These young boys used their fists to defend their papers, their pennies and their corners. Ernie Fliegeltaub was of these “fighting newsboys.” His career as a newsie began at age 6, in 1910, the day after he arrived in Minneapolis from Romania. In News Alley downtown–where the boys gathered to pick up their copies of the Journal, the Tribune and the Daily News–he learned how to battle the other young workers for the bonus free copies given away by the newspapers each day. “You fought on your way to school and from school, as well as your right to be a ‘newsie,” remembered Ernie. The young immigrant did not become a doctor or a banker, as newspaper executives hoped. Instead, he won local fame as a professional boxer.

Image is from Hennepin County Special Collections and was digitized by citizen researcher Rita Yeada. Information for the text was drawn from Gretchen Tselos, “The 620 Club,” from the Twin Citian, reprinted in Downtown, David Anderson, ed  (Minneapolis: Nodin Press, 2000); “Newsboys Band Purposed; Old Members as Sponsors,” Minneapolis Morning Tribune, February 4, 1912; “Newsies at Play,” Minneapolis Tribune, July 8, 1898.

replacements map, kevin cannon, from tumblr

Mapping The Replacements

Published September 15, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

It’s map Monday. After a 23 year hiatus, Minneapolis cult-favorite band the Replacements played to a fawning crowd in St. Paul on Saturday. What’s up with that? We all know that the band belongs on the Historyapolis side of the river. And this cool map by Pat Ganley and Kevin Cannon charts Minneapolis sites of significance for the band,  which Star Tribune music critic Chris Riemenschneider says “made imperfection an art form.” It provides a visualization of the two histories of the band published by Jim Walsh, who knows more than anyone else about the rise and fall of this South Minneapolis music phenomenon.

The aging rockers seem almost quaint today. But The Replacements were part of a cultural sea change in the 1980s, when the city began to embrace its seamier side. Outside of the Chamber of Commerce, the Mary Tyler Moore view of the city was out. As this map shows, Hennepin Avenue was eclipsing Nicollet Mall as the hippest street in town. Minneapolis reasserted itself as a regional magnet for youngsters who wanted to experiment with everything: living on their own, drugs, sex, hair, politics. The Replacements gave them some anthems.

Minneapolitans love their music history and there is lots of great reasons for that. But even as I reflect on the music  of my youth, I’m looking forward to the day that our community is equally conscious of our other imperfections.

smaller version, M0807, milwaukee avenue photo, from hclib

Another battle in Seward, this time with no shooting

Published September 12, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

You can live in south Minneapolis your entire life and never stumble across the nineteenth century enclave that is Milwaukee Avenue, a two block development wedged between 22nd and 23rd avenues off Franklin Avenue in the Seward neighborhood. This pedestrian street–lined on either side by brick cottages fronted with gingerbread porches– transports visitors to another place and time.

These blocks were developed in the 1880s by local real estate agent William Ragan, who hoped to profit from the city’s exponential growth. He constructed the small houses to provide cheap, temporary homes for new immigrants from Scandinavia, who mostly worked in the nearby Milwaukee Railroad shops and yards. He squeezed as many structures as possible on to the narrow street, which had been originally platted as an alley. An ethnic community took shape around Ragan’s development but in these early decades no one stayed too long.

The homes were not built for the ages and they were neglected through the Depression and World War II. By 1959 the city declared its intention to see these dilapidated structures razed, pointing to the fact that at least some of them lacked indoor plumbing. But as the city sought to obtain the funds for this ambitious redevelopment plan, the neighborhood changed. And by the 1970s, Seward was home to many seasoned activists, who decided to band together to stop the destruction of this historic streetscape.

In 1974, neighborhood activists worked with the Minnesota Historical Society to get the district of workers’ homes placed on the National Register, forestalling demolition. Over the decade that followed, residents sought to preserve the street but upgrade the homes for modern families. William Rogan would likely not recognize the idyllic street today, a leafy enclave surrounded by busy thoroughfares on all sides.

In a new book–Milwaukee Avenue: Community Renewal in Minneapolis–Bob Roscoe tells the story of this campaign from his perspective as a local activist. To hear more, visit the Hennepin History Museum this Sunday at 2pm. The Museum is hosting a fireside chat and book signing with Roscoe.

 

 

Police carry a bloodied protester away from the Flour City Ornamental Iron Company in September, 1935 after a labor protest turned violent.

The Battle for Seward

Published September 11, 2014 by Heidi Heller

Today’s blogger is Heidi Heller, a senior history major at Augsburg College and an intern with the Historyapolis Project.

The Teamsters’ Strike–in July, 1934–is the best known labor conflict in the history of Minneapolis. This historic clash is now remembered as a turning point for labor relations in the city and the nation. Activists say that it was at this moment that Minneapolis became a union town.

But the Citizens’ Alliance–a notorious employers’ association known nationally for its ruthless suppression of labor organizers– did not capitulate in the wake of the Teamsters’ victory. And labor militancy intensified in the wake of the famous strike. The result was an intense period of labor unrest in Minneapolis, as workers and their employers struggled over the parameters of collective bargaining.

On this day in 1935–one year after the resolution of the Teamsters’ Strike–police and workers again clashed in the streets of Minneapolis. When dawn broke on September 12, two people were dead and 28 injured after a gun battle erupted between police and a crowd protesting the labor policies of the Flour City Ornamental Iron Company.

The Flour City Ornamental Iron Company had been a fixture in the working-class Seward neighborhood since 1901. The company had been non-union and owner, Walter Tetzlaff, an active member of the Citizen’s Alliance, worked hard to ensure it remained that way.

flour city ornamental iron works

The Flour City Ornamental Iron Company after a clash between union organizers and police escalated into a gun battle on September 11, 1935. Note the broken windows. Image is from the Minnesota Historical Society.

In 1935–no doubt emboldened by the Teamsters’ victory–workers decided to challenge Tetzlaff. They organized collectively, forming a union that demanded a wage hike, a 40-hour work week and other workplace protections like a grievance and seniority system.

Tetzlaff rejected these demands. Workers responded by calling a strike, drawing support from other iron workers around Minneapolis, who also walked off the job. The factory managed to remain open, at least at first. Some employees remained loyal to their boss, even filing a restraining order against Union Local 1313. In July of 1935, Tetzlaff took out an ad in the Minneapolis Journal that called union supporters an “organized mob.” But as the strike dragged on, the factory was besieged. A hostile crowd threatened workers as they entered the building. Flour City was forced to close its doors.

minneapolis journal ad, july 1935

The factory re-opened on July 25, after police escorted strike breakers into the building. By that night, union supporters had again surrounded the facility. The strike breakers were stoned. The factory went dark again.

Tetzlaff remained defiant, working with the Citizens’ Alliance to violate city ordinances and sneak workers into the facility. When the factory re-opened on September 9th –with a court order to house workers in the factory and under police protection–the union was ready. Protesters surrounded the building. The crowd threw rocks and shouted at the strike-breakers.

By the next night, September 10, the throng had swelled to 5000 people. The police used tear gas to drive protesters away. The next day, picketers were back in force. The police resorted again to tear gas, sending clouds of gas into the surrounding neighborhood and forcing bars and local businesses to close. But the protesters refused to leave. Police found themselves overwhelmed by wave after wave of union supporters.

The conflict came to a head just before midnight, when the crowd heard gun shots. A melee ensued. Hand-to-hand fighting broke out. Stones flew. Some protesters ran for cover, ducking down residential alleys and between houses.

Two hours later the battle was over. Two by-standers had been killed and 28 people had been injured. These casualties included a man who was shot in the arm as he sat on his back porch on 26th Avenue, another shot in the leg as he walked up the steps of his home on E. 26th Street and a woman who was hit in the face with a tear-gas bomb as she stepped off a streetcar. It was not clear who had done the shooting; police claimed that a group of picketers fired on them, union leaders denied the charges. Other claimed that Tetzlaff’s armed guards fired the shots.

Tetzlaff reached an agreement with strikers later in the month. The public largely forgot the battle in Seward. Flour City continued to operate until 1992.

Sources: William Millikan, A Union Against Unions: The Minneapolis Citizens Alliance and Its Fight Against Organized Labor, 1903-1947, Minnesota Historical Society, 2001.  Iric Nathanson, “The Other Bloody Labor Disturbance,” Hennepin History Magazine, Summer 1995. “Two Dead, 30 Hurt in All Night Riot,” Lawrence Journal-World, September 12, 1935. Drew Shonka, “The 1935 Flour City Ornamental Iron Works Strike,” libcom.org https://libcom.org/history/1935-flour-city-ornamental-iron-works-strike-drew-shonka. Images are from the Minneapolis Journal, July 24, 1935 and the Minnesota Historical Society.

alien invasion series, soldiers and pioneers

Alien Invasion on Lake Street

Published September 10, 2014 by Kirsten Delegard

This fall you have the opportunity to watch old-school alien films in a spooky old cemetery, thanks to one of the coolest history groups in town. In September and October, the Friends of the Pioneers and Soldiers cemetery is hosting an alien invasion film series. Proceeds will support ongoing efforts to restore the historic fence surrounding the city’s oldest cemetery, which is located at the intersection of Lake Street and Cedar Avenue. Series kicks off with the screening of “The Blob” on September 10th.